Research Topics: Terrorism Term Papers

Managing Global Alliances

Introduction The world was undergoing tremendous change even before the horrors of 11 September. Both democracy and the market economy have proliferated globally since the collapse of communism, and revolutionary developments in communication and information technology have helped trigger an increasing interdependence between countries at an unprecedented pace. Further, the end of the Cold War signaled the displacement of ideological obstinacy in favor of a heated pursuit towards economic advancement and competition for resources and technology. Economic statecraft, whereby nations use trade, loans, grants and investment to influence the action of other states, is now becoming more important. The process of globalization is commonly recognized to be characteristic of contemporary international developments.  Contemporary processes of globalization have several dimensions or faces: technological, cultural, religious, economic and political. First, it suggests that political, economic and social activity is becoming worldwide in scope. Secondly, it suggests that there has been an intensification of levels of interaction and interconnectedness among the states and societies (Held, 1991). Among these relations are those created by the progressive emergence of a global economy, the expansion of transnational links which generate new forms of collective decision-making, the development of intergovernmental and quasi-supranational institutions, etc. (Giddens, 1990 p. 71). This paper aims to present discussions regarding the World Bank (WB) and the World Trade Organization (WTO) and their strategies of managing the partner/members as well as the markets they serve. Comparisons were made to give light on the alliances’ motives, logic and purpose, stability and durability, degree of state involvement management and regulation, and the role of cultural differences in management and performance. Lastly, the paper provides several recommendations on the ideal strategies to manage international alliances. Motives of the Selected Alliances             The World Bank. In 1944, right after the World War II, 730 policy-makers from 45 different countries participated in the economic conference held in Mount Washington Hotel in Bretton Woods, New Hampshire in order to put order the international finance system and ensure that a liberal capitalist world economy through multilateral institutions that will oversee and administer international free capital movement. As a result, the World Bank (WB) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) was founded as autonomous agencies of the United Nations (UN) (Orr, 1990). The International bank for reconstruction and Development (World Bank) primarily offers post-war development loans to finance infrastructure projects at the same time promotes private foreign investments through guarantees to investments initiated by private sectors. The World Trade Organization. The WTO’s institutional directive is obviously indicated in its instituting charter, the 1994 Agreement Establishing the World Trade Organization (WTO Agreement). The introduction of this global agreement highlights that the aims of the WTO are that trade and economic connections among WTO Members are supposed to be carried out with an outlook to elevating the standards of living, guaranteeing full employment and a great and progressively developing degree of real income and efficient demand, and increasing the construction of and trade in goods and services, at the same time as permitting for the most favorable utilization of the world’s resources in line with the purpose of sustainable development, looking for both to look after and conserve the environment and to improve the means for doing so in a approach in agreement with their individual needs and concerns at diverse levels of economic growth” (WTO Agreement, 1st preambular clause). Logic and Purpose of the Selected Alliances The WB was repeatedly relied upon by impoverished governments around the world as a contributor of development finance as the key institution which the channels economic support and resources of developed countries to poor nations (Miller-Adams, 1999). It provides long term loans, grants, and technical assistance, to help developing countries implement their poverty reduction strategies. These financial provisions are usually utilized for health and education reforms, environmental and infrastructure projects, including dams, roads, and national parks. In general, WB helps governments of developing countries to fight poverty and to improve the living standards of the people. Briefly, the principal purpose of the WTO is to double as the instrument through which global trade can turn out to be the means for sustaining the economic growth of Members, specifically the developing and least-developed Members. The economic growth of developing nations, and the employment of trade to attain such growth, has been a very old intention of the multilateral trading system and of the global governance construction of which the WTO is an element (The 2001 WTO Doha Ministerial Declaration, paras. 2 and 3). This intention is ultimately entrenched in the entitlement of individuals to take pleasure in higher standards of living, complete employment, and states of economic and social growth and progress” (United Nations Charter, art. 55(a)) in agreement with the right to sustainable development under international law (The 2000 United Nations General Assembly Millennium Declaration, para. 11). The WTO is the sole global association addressing the international decrees of trade involving countries. Its major purpose is to guarantee that trade runs as efficiently, predictably, and liberally as probable. The end result is reassurance. Consumers and producers are aware that they can take pleasure in safe supplies and superior alternative of the completed products, components, raw materials and services that they utilize. Producers and exporters are aware that foreign markets will continue to be open to them. The consequence is similarly a more affluent, nonviolent and responsible economic world. Stability and Durability of the Alliances Developing countries are most of the time confronted with issues on economic and sociological instability. But aside from the economic and social problems that beset these countries, political constraints play a primary role and dictate most significantly the pace of growth and development among Third World countries. Self-vested interest among both the public officials as well as the private individuals in the form of unethical criminal collaboration that directly affects the welfare and social condition of the general public constitutes the serious hindrance to the competitiveness of the domestic state.  The WB and the IMF have always collaborating in initiating joint activities to alleviate the poor living conditions of the people living below poverty level among developing countries. Aside from projects and funding as well as loan allowances and assistance provided by these organizations, the WB and the IMF likewise offer technical assistance and surveillance to Third World countries.             In the 1990’s the WB and the IMF launched Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) initiative to decrease the burden of developing countries concerning external debts to international financing institutions, organizations and developed countries. The guidelines and policies enacted by both organizations have been purposely conceptualized to link national policies, donor support, and development outcomes needed to reduce poverty in low-income countries through concessional lending and loan assistances of both organizations. These developmental projects and financial loans were monitored in order to determine and assess the result of the aid initiated by both organizations. Other evaluation procedures include the review of economic policies among developing countries and recommending corrective reforms to support the progressive objectives of WB and IMF. Aside from developmental activities and projects, the WB and the IMF are also working together to make their member countries financial sectors well-regulated by identifying the strengths and risks of a particular country’s financial system and economic policies (http://www.imf.org/external/about.htm). Decisions in the WTO are characteristically acquired by consensus among every member nations and they are approved by members’ legislative bodies. Trade hostility is directed into the WTO’s dispute settlement procedure where the center is on understanding agreements and pledges, and how to guarantee that nations’ trade policies stick to them. By lessening the trade obstructions, the WTO’s scheme similarly collapses other barricades involving peoples and nations. The World Trade Organization (WTO) Dispute Settlement Understanding (DSU) evolved out of the ineffective means used under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) for settling disagreements among members.  Under the GATT, procedures for settling disputes were ineffective and time consuming since a single nation, including the nation whose actions was the subject of complaint could effectively block or delay every stage of the dispute resolution process (Bello and Holmer, 1994).  It remains to be seen whether countries will comply with the new WTO dispute settlement mechanism, but thus far the process has met with relative success. The WTO’s strengthened dispute resolution mechanism was designed to have the authority to sort out this “fine line between national prerogatives and unacceptable trade restrictions” (Abels, 1996).  Several of the supplemental agreements to the GATT created during the Uruguay Round, such as the SPS Agreement, sought to specify the conditions under which national regulations were permissible even if they had the effect of restraining trade.  The United States, perhaps more than any other country, has found itself on both sides of this delicate balance.  In 1988, it was the United States who pushed for strengthening the Dispute Settlement provisions of the GATT during the Uruguay Round, in part because Congress was not convinced that, “the GATT, as it stood, could offer the United States an equitable balance of advantage” (Abels, 1996).  Degree of State Involvement Management and Regulation State sovereignty is classically defined as being characterized with (1) the state’s supremacy over domestic matters, (2) state’s exclusive right to regulate its territory and its citizens, and (3) state’s right to guide its internal and external affairs without foreign interference (Marti-Martinez, 1996). Moreover, sovereignty “is the power that… enables entire body politic to exercise some control over its destiny” (Cahn, 1993, pp. 150-167). Tsai (2000) emphasized further the concept of sovereignty by contextualizing it under the aspects of defensive and affirmative distinctions. Accordingly, “defensive sovereignty is the state’s inalienable right to avoid being adversely affected by decisions and events happening outside its jurisdiction while affirmative sovereignty is the state’s right to determine its own policies and developmental course” (Tsai, 2000, p. 1317). The definitions address common theoretical notion of the absolute nature of state sovereignty. Along with the encompassing responsibilities and influence of the WB and the WTO are the issues on preservation of state sovereignty among their member countries.  The international laws that serve as guidelines and control of the activities of the WB and the WTO have been widely criticized for restricting and controlling individual state power and economic governance among developing countries that receive financial aids from the mentioned international financing institutions.  Political analysts have been citing cases of state sovereignty infringement by the WB and the WTO particularly when economic provisions and conditions of these organizations are in conflict of interest with a developing country’s national economic policy. Since developing countries are in debt with the financial aids and loans, complete and full enactment as well as observation of local policies is undermined in order to submit to the terms presented by the WB and the WTO. The relationships between the WB and the developing countries which they assist financially are governed with terms of conditionality or “the linking of the disbursement of a loan to understandings concerning the economic policy which the government of the borrower country intends to pursue” (Mosely, 1992, p. 129). Under this conditional finance relationship, the WB have the right to independently examine a debtor country’s need of financial assistance and the prerogative to require adoption of some recommended economic policies amendments of the state before issuing the requested development aid (Swaminathan, 1998). WB decides the credit limits provided to a country’s domestic bank, decrease in the fiscal deficit, exchange rate depreciation as well as trade liberalization policies (Taylor, 1987). Most of the time, the conditionality policies of the WB exceeds the macroeconomic recommendations for the country and through time, such practice has evolved into detailed economic reforms for the debtor which affects domestic governance of the assisted country resulting governance issues (Shihata, 1991).    At the core of the organization recognized as the multilateral trading system are the WTO’s agreements, discussed and sanctioned by a great majority of the world’s trading countries, and approved in their legislative bodies. These agreements are the officially authorized essentials for global commerce. Fundamentally, they are contracts, promising member countries vital trade rights. They similarly compel governments to maintain their trade policies within established restrictions to everyone’s advantage. The agreements were discussed and ratified by governments, but their principle is to assist producers of goods and services, exporters, and importers carry out their business. The objective is to progress the wellbeing and interests of the citizens of the member countries. A major and foremost disadvantage for developing countries in acceding to the WTO is their capacity to be heard in the decision making of the organization. Issues and proposals for restructurings in the WTO’s decision-making processes increased in eminence first following the fall down of the 1999 Seattle Ministerial Conference, on account of which Members undertook to have debates associated to internal transparency and involvement. The last foremost formal debate among Members on these concerns transpired for the duration of the July 2000 assembly of the General Council. Throughout that gathering, the then-General Council Chairman, Ambassador Kare Bryn of Norway, required to recognize, anchored on his discussions with Members, what he sensed were the typical of the debates (WTO, September 2000) with regards to internal accountability and involvement towards acquiring a consensus (WTO, February 2001). Succeeding WTO procedure-associated documents, like the TNC Negotiating Principles and Practices (WTO, February 2002) and the draft manuscript of the Procedures for the Appointment of Directors-General have indicated to Ambassador Bryn’s declarations as pinpointing of “best practices” in the context of internal accountability and the involvement of Members in decision-making in the WTO (WTO, January 2003). Nonetheless, a number of Members have carried on expressing reluctance, exemptions, prerequisites or commentaries relating to Ambassador Bryn’s declaration (WTO, July 2002). This successfully denotes that there is no consensus, particularly from developing nations, on the points acknowledged by Ambassador Bryn as “best practices” for WTO decision-making procedures with regard to internal accountability and the involvement of Members. Impact of Cultural Differences in Management and Performance Culture is the system of shared beliefs, values, customs, behaviors, and artifacts that the members of society use to cope with their world and with one another, and that are transmitted from generation to generation through learning. It comprises all the knowledge and values shared by a society or the attitudes and behavior that are characteristic of a particular social group or organization. It is the accumulated habits, attitudes, and beliefs of a group of people that define for them their general behavior and way of life; the total set of learned activities of a people. It is apparent how the relatively liberal Western culture and the relatively conservative Eastern culture pose differences when compared. It is a common knowledge that Americans and Europeans are perceived to be more independent, competitive and aggressive in the way they deal with situations and people compared to Asians whose approach to communication is grounded on the belief of the goodness preserving and maintaining harmonious relationships within the business organization.          In the book entitled Personal Relationships across Cultures by Robin Goodwin (1999), Trompenaars (1993) pointed out that business relationship in particularist cultures like in China tend to be less stiff and formal between employers and employees but the commitment between them is strong. In the same book, Shenkar and Ronen (1997) found that Chinese people communicate in a way that upholds traditional values of harmony and kinship affiliation as compared to North Americans. Japanese entrepreneurs, on the other hand, are considered neutral in this respect because they feel that expressing emotions in the workplace is “unprofessional”. Other cultures, that are considered to be relatively affective, feel that the indifference of neutral colleagues in the office is a manifestation of dislike and superiority among co-employees.  Inescapable as it may seem dilemmas and issues brought about by different cultures are unavoidable and should be expected at organizations composed of different people from with different.  The differing cultural orientation result to different social and economic considerations thereby leading to inevitable opposing views and takes during decision-making process. International or global alliances and organizations like the World Bank and the World Trade Organization are not exempted from concerns rooted in varied cultural perspectives. Dealing properly with situations such as instances of principled power struggle will be of much help in running and managing global alliance networks and members. Addressing conflicts and working out understanding by compromising for the good of all will pave the way to maintain smooth working relationships and conflict resolutions for the successful attainment of the organizations’ mission and objectives. Conclusion and Recommendations Since globalization represents the shift of the main venue of capital accumulation from the national to the supranational or global level (Teeple, 2000) and due to the adverse effects of such phenomenon, international businesses plan to venture into new horizons catering to the needs of the new markets and countries. Over the past half century, the developing countries have grappled with their relationship to the world trading system, the role of their trade policies in their economic growth, and the influence of the world economy on their prospects for growth (Krueger, 1995). The eventual recognition of the developing states and their contribution to the world economy enable firms to expand and apply their operations to such countries. Unlike local and national organizations, global alliances are tasked with bigger responsibilities which made them highly accountable to every decision and policy they make. The vast influence and significant impact of the decisions and laws that result from intensive deliberations of member representatives of the World Bank and the World Trade Organization are normally faced with cultural challenges that threaten the stability and durability of the alliance which subsequently may lead to difficult realization of the goals of the organization. The conflicts which arise from differing cultural interpretation should be in the realm of constant evaluation and adjustment. Resolving immediately the differences that hinder the effective and efficient function of global alliances should be critically reviewed in order to promote development and growth of every member.     Credit:ivythesis.typepad.com

Managing Global Alliances

Introduction The world was undergoing tremendous change even before the horrors of 11 September. Both democracy and the market economy...

Effectiveness of International Terrorism Law

Introduction Widespread terrorism has been one of the scorching issues to date and one of the most primary concerns amongst all nations. There go the bombing in Iraq, Afghanistan, the September 11 attack, the Abu Sayaf in the Philippines. It seems during this age, we are assailed with different terrorist acts. But are the peoples in the world ready to combat such deadly menace? If so, are our terrorism laws that effective? Or are they, too, muddled with confusions, and in a way, back fire in the long run? In recent years terror has become trendy, not only in the number of spectacular and often gruesome incidents but also as a subject for academic analysis and a concern to policy makers. Munich, Vienna, Rome, and Athens have been transmuted into a litany of massacres: a macabre grand tour. Diplomats have been kidnapped and murdered, ending their careers in as diverse sites as the basement of the Saudi Arabian Embassy in Khartoum and an official limousine in the streets of Guatemala City. Transnational executives have been shot in Argentina, American military advisers in Iran, and unlucky tourists standing in the wrong line in various air terminals. And it has not been only the weak seeking to bomb their way into prominence if not power. The threatened have resorted to governing by torture or responding to provocation with authorized assassinations. Fanatics in the grip of some compelling fantasy mimicking revolutionary violence have hijacked aircraft while babbling half-digested political slogans, or shot at the President of the United States in the cause of the environment. Nor have those who employ the tactics of extortion or coercion for financial gain been absent—kidnapping in Italy has become a veritable cottage industry, exploited not only by criminals but by sound businessmen eager to sell potential victims insurance. To many we appear to live in an era of violence, a time of terror (K. Lee Bruse et. al. (1978)). By definition terrorism is an act or threat of violence directed at civilians with the object of spreading terror among them. Terrorist breaches are, by virtue of their defining tactics and overarching strategy, inherently illegal. The irremediability of terror warfare lies in the fact that its tactics and overarching strategies rely on methods and means specifically prohibited under Part IV of Protocol I. Therefore, it is impossible to conduct terror warfare without intentionally committing criminal breaches of the Geneva Conventions (K., Davida (2005)). Moreover, violence, and with it terror, goes back beyond the dawn of history: contemporary violence stands on the shoulders of earlier fanatics. Terrorism, however, belongs to our modern, sophisticated technological age. The French Revolution’s Reign of Terror and the Revolutionary Catechism of the Russian anarchists Bakunin and Nechaev, Dowling suggested, mark important steps in the development of modern international terrorism: terror as policy and terrorism as philosophy. Wilkinson found the first use of urban guerrilla warfare in the 1848 revolutions. Gros, who analyzed terrorism in literature, found the beginning of intellectual rationalization of violence at least as early as Rousseau and spoke of Sartre’s discussion of purifying and creative crime (K. Lee Bruse et. al. (1978)). Terrorism is used as a strategy by groups out of power to attain their goals has a long history, as old as warfare itself. Thomas Schelling in Arms and Influence documented how the use of violence to terrorize and intimidate is an ancient tactic. He noted examples of violence used in this way in the wars between the Greeks and the Persians. The all too prevalent idea that terrorism is a totally novel phenomenon is a myth. However, while terrorism has a long history, the current wave of this form of violence has been given impetus by a series of new developments in the post-World War II period. Any analysis of terrorism in the contemporary world must begin with a discussion of these developments. According to figures in a recently published research, in World War I some 95 percent of all deaths were suffered by soldiers. In those days armies fought against armies. In World War II the figure dropped to 50 percent. With the deliberate targeting of cities (London, Coventry, Dresden, Hiroshima, Nagasaki), this dramatic increase in the deaths of innocent civilians is not surprising. In the Korean War, 84 percent of those killed were civilians and in the Vietnam War it rose to 90 percent. In more than 100 civil wars since 1945, civilians were also the targets of war and the overwhelming number of deaths was suffered by civilians (G., Richard J. (2002)). Terrorism Definitions             According to Suter Keith the basic problem with trying to create an international regime against terrorism is that there is no agreed definition. Problem lies that one government “terrorist” is another’s “freedom fighter”. Another problem is that governments are themselves inconsistent on what they regard as terrorism. And another one is that the word “terrorism” is usually applied to only one-state actors and so ignores the role of governments in terrorism. Or to sum up, “terrorism” is far more a political term than a legal one and its use varies according to the political expediency of each government at the time.            Moreover, in his post-September 11 speech to the General Assembly, Sir Jeremy Greenstock, the British Ambassador to the United Nations, said “What looks, smells and kills like terrorism is terrorism.” As this is not exactly a legally serviceable definition, diplomats and international lawyers have until recently solved the definitional problem by writing conventions outlawing terrorist acts without ever mentioning the word “terrorism.” The official website entitled “UN Conventions on Terrorism ” (2) lists eight United Nations conventions and two protocols enacted between 1963 and 1991, dealing with such diverse offences as hijacking, attacks on diplomatic agents and other internationally protected persons, hostage taking, theft of nuclear material and unlawful acts against maritime navigation and fixed platforms located on the continental shelf. It requires no complex process of reasoning to realize that any of these prohibited acts can occur within or without the, context of terrorism. The taking of a hostage for the p urpose of obtaining the liberation of a political prisoner fits the definition of a terrorist act. The same crime committed solely for the payment of ransom does not. The hijacking of the four planes on September 11 was a mega terrorist act. It is questionable; however, whether the hijacking of a plane bound for Florida to enable the hijacker to land in Cuba fits the general view of terrorism (Weiss, Peter (2002)). Moreover, terrorism is a strategy whereby violence is used to produce certain effects upon a group of people. With special reference to sub-state terrorism, this strategy is one of four “ideal type” strategies whereby a group out of power can effect violent social change, the other three being coup d’etat, insurrection, and guerrilla warfare. But whether the definition of terrorism is bucketful, countries of today are more than resolved that whatever inhuman attacks, like bombing of World trade center without a solid, objective political ground other than wreak havoc and somehow spread fear are to be considered as such.   International Terrorism Law             To address the need to combat terrorism around the world, most countries of today set there laws with formidable terrorism bills – heightening and strengthening securities in their jurisdictions, collaborating with intelligence groups around the globe to track down terrorist elements in the society, feeding the public with the necessary information to raise vigilance and knowledge about terrorism. And indeed, international action against terrorism is one again on the top agenda.             In Germany, for example, new laws were passed on December 20, 2001 to strengthen anti-terrorism measures. The Federal Council (Bundesrat) approved the so-called “Second Terrorism Package” only days after the Federal Parliament (Bundestag) did. They include, for example, expanded possibilities for exchanging information among government security departments, blocking the entry of terrorists, strengthening border controls, and investigating German residents suspected of terrorist ties. Also, Germany is introducing “sky marshals” on airplane flights (International Law Update 2/1/2002). In the Philippines Anti-Terrorism bill is considered urgent and necessary. As with all penal legislations, the foundation of an Anti-Terrorism Law would be the definition of the crime, and this could be the most tedious task in the legislative process because it must encompass all conceivable acts of terrorism while drawing the parameters to prevent possible abuses in its application. On this point, the definition provided by the U.S. Patriot Act might be a practical starting point, to wit: “Activities that (a) involve acts dangerous to human life that are a violation of the criminal laws of the U.S. or of any state, that (b) appear to be intended (i) to intimidate or coerce a civilian population, (ii) to influence the policy of a government by intimidation or coercion, or (iii) to affect the conduct of a government by mass destruction, assassination, or kidnapping, and (c) occur primarily within the territorial jurisdiction of the U.S.” It will be readily seen that this definition is more restrictive than those provided in a number of pending bills already filed in our Congress (R. Fidel Ramos (2006)).   In England, Prime Minister Tony Blair’s anti-terrorism law was approved by the House of Lords, ending a bitter standoff between the government and political opponents. Furthermore, the Geneva Conventions and Additional Protocol I are acknowledged as the pertinent provisions of the Law of Armed Conflict (LOAC) (and not the misconstructions, opinions, and pronouncements of terrorist propagandists, anti-American leftists, cultural relativists, barracks lawyers, and NGOs that, however well-intentioned, have placed an unrealistic and unreasonable expectation of zero collateral damage on conventional fighters), then terror warfare is always irremediably illegal (Military Review 9/1/2005). Moreover, Article 85 of Protocol (2005) I stated such characteristic acts of terror warfare as “making the civilian population or individual civilians the object of attack [and] the perfidious use … of the distinctive emblem of the Red Cross [and so on] or of other protective signs … when committed willfully … shall be regarded as grave breaches.” This statement is significant because Article 85 also states that “grave breaches of these instruments shall be regarded as war crimes.” And, according to Article 86, the High Contracting Parties as well as all Parties to the conflict are required “to repress grave breaches, and to take all measures necessary to suppress all other breaches, of the Conventions or of [Additional Protocol I], which result from a failure to act when under a duty to do so.” Arguments for terrorism, based on religion, politics, or frustration with the prevailing socioeconomic situation (the so-called root-causes arguments), which do not acknowledge the possibility of appeal to the Law of Nations, are not honest or exculpatory. September 11 attack             September 11 attack caused the death of almost 3,000 people in the attack was a loss to New York City and to the nation. The figure includes those who worked in the two World Trade Center towers, the fire fighters and police personnel who responded to the attack, and the tourists and other visitors who were in the World Trade Center complex that morning. In addition to the loss of lives, the attack on the World Trade Center had a dramatic disruptive effect on employment in New York City. The number of private-sector workers started to decline at the beginning of 2001 because of national and local business cycles. The attack on the World Trade Center on September 11, 2001, traumatized New York City and the nation. Almost 3,000 lives were lost, and more than 30 million square feet of office space in Lower Manhattan was damaged or destroyed. The loss of workers, physical capital, and infrastructure reduced the productive potential of the city’s economy and disrupted the lives of hundreds of thousands of people. Damage to the transportation and communications infrastructure depressed economic activity for a number of months, especially in Lower Manhattan (M., John (2002)). The terrorist attacks on New York and Washington have paid attention of the nation and it’s military on immediately combating this grave threat. The dominant National Military Strategy standard of the 1990s was in the process of being redone by the Bush administration prior to the attacks, but still gives a concise way of broadly describing the tasks the military must perform. Along with its sister Services, the Army is currently concentrating almost exclusively on responding and even more narrowly on actions to punish and prevent terrorism. President Bush and his cabinet have been transparent that this will be a long fight, however, and the Army must not neglect its many other important shaping and preparing missions during that time. A conquest over terrorism will be meaningless if it is not gone with the continuing of peace, safety, democracy, and liberated market ideas that those other military undertaking support. The recent terrorist attacks on New York and Washington have focused the attention of the nation and its military on immediately combating this serious threat. The dominant National Military Strategy paradigm of the 1990s—“shape, respond, and prepare”—was in the process of being redone by the Bush administration prior to the attacks, but still provides a concise way of broadly describing the tasks the military must perform. Along with its sister Services, the Army is currently concentrating almost exclusively on responding and even more narrowly on actions to punish and prevent terrorism. President Bush and his cabinet have been clear that this will be a long struggle, however, and the Army must not neglect its many other important shaping and preparing missions during that time. A victory over terrorism will be meaningless if it is not accompanied by the continuing spread of peace, security, democracy, and free market ideas that those other military missions support (M., John (2002)). The other side of the coin             And while international terrorism laws are being well and molded, its negative effects against innocent civilians can also be felt.             Picking up suspected terrorists that turned out to be just innocent people and blatant infringement of rights are just among the bad effects of the law. Not only it can be viewed as paranoia by most, people could also think that it reflects how desperate and helpless the governments of the world in combating sly terrorists. So much so Greens senator Bob Brown says new anti-terrorism laws are a serious infringement on the rights of Australians. In Australia, it turned out that police has the power to detain a terror “suspect” without charge for two weeks. This was largely denounced by labor leaders in the country. In hotels, terrorism laws can also be felt. American Hotel and Lodging Association monitored the situation, requesting input on what the hotels would like to see enacted to provide the coverage needed. The USA Patriot Act of 2001, commonly referred to as the Anti-Terrorism Act, was passed within a month of the attacks. The 242-page statute grants law enforcement officials broad rights to investigate potential terrorist threats, and broad rights to shut down those operations. With respect to hotels and hotel companies, several provisions offer guidance to the industry when faced with legitimate investigative requests (Westchester County Business Journal2/11/2002). First, the Act provides specific authority to the FBI to request from a judge on an emergency and secret basis an order requiring the production of any tangible object, including books, papers and records, to investigate a terrorist threat. Because the order is designed to be obtained easily and will not compromise any investigation because it is secret, no hotel should be uncomfortable insisting an order be obtained before it turns over information other than registration records. The law protects a person or hotel from civil liability if information pursuant to such an order is given to authorities. Second, the Act specifically gives authority to the FBI to seize by an easily obtained warrant telephone records, email records and other electronically generated records. Moreover, it appears, a hotel with access to e-mails sent or received by guests can honor FBI requests to turn the records over without fear of liability if it reasonably believes there is an emergency involving immediate danger of death or serious physical injury to any person. To sum up, here are some rules to follow as a guide: 1. If an FBI agent requests only guest registration records, require the agent provide proper identification that can be recorded by photocopy or otherwise. A subpoena is not required, although you might wish one to be absolutely safe, particularly if no emergency is being cited by the agency If you don’t ask for a subpoena, ask that the request be put on agency stationery and sent to you; 2. If asked to provide any information other than registration information, ask for a subpoena or a warrant; 3. If asked to permit a search of a guest room, ask for a warrant. Again, this should be easy enough for the FBI to get. Moreover, in a true emergency, the FBI will search the room with or without your permission. These provisions of the law should remove discomfort hoteliers feel when approached by the FBI with requests to obtain information. If the information sought is anything more than registration records, the hotel should ask for a warrant or a subpoena without a guilty conscience, since the law makes it fairly easy for the FBI to get such documents processed expeditiously without compromising its investigations (Westchester County Business Journal2/11/2002). Conclusion             Terrorism nowadays poses a deadly threat to every nation. Worse, it is not only being carried out by single person, a group of people but a network of violent people who hold grudges against another race brought about by discrimination, poverty, and hopelessness.             It is more than combat, taking over the power of terrorist elements that the problem of terrorism however will be squelched, but taking into the root of the problem. In order for the grass not to grow and wilt forever, its roots must be taken out. And this is the case of terrorism.             However, the problem of terrorism is more than societal and political and religion differences. It is more sweeping and complex than that. But perhaps racial discrimination, of being poor and helpless that drove these terrorist elements to sow fear and chaos.             Case in point is the September 11 attack. While it is unforgivable what the terrorist did to the heart of America, it should not be taken as an epitome to launch attack to other country, especially when it is not yet known the true group who are responsible for the bombing. The effectiveness of terrorism laws around the world might squelch terroristic acts, and in a way, save millions of citizens from these gruesome ways. But the laws should not be done to the point of extreme paranoia that innocent civilians are being picked up and picked on and that lives are imperil because of carelessly judgment. Credit:ivythesis.typepad.com

Effectiveness of International Terrorism Law

Introduction Widespread terrorism has been one of the scorching issues to date and one of the most primary concerns amongst all natio...

Ethical Issues on Advanced Artificial Intelligence

Introduction             A superintelligence is any intellect that is vastly outperforms the best human brains in practically every field, including scientific creativity, general wisdom, and social skills.  While the possibility of domain-specific “superintelligences” is also worth exploring, this paper focuses on issues arising from the prospect of general superintelligence.              Several authors have argued that there is a substantial chance that superintelligence may be created within a few decades, perhaps as a result of growing hardware performance and increased ability to implement algorithms and architectures similar to those used by human brains. Ideals             A requirement for having a significant discussion of superintelligence is the realization that superintelligence is not just another technology, or another tool that will add increasingly to human capabilities.  Let’s take a look at some of the unusual aspects of the creation of superintelligence: §   Superintelligence may be the last invention humans ever need to make.  §   Technological progress in all other fields will be accelerated by the arrival of advanced artificial intelligence. §   Superintelligence will lead to more advanced superintelligence. §   Artificial minds can be easily copied §   Emergence of superintelligence may be sudden. §   Artificial intellects are potentially autonomous agents. §   Artificial intellects need not have humanlike motives. §   Artificial intellects may not have humanlike psyches. To the extent that ethics is a cognitive pursuit, a superintelligence could do it better than human thinkers. This means that questions about ethics, in so far as they have correct answers that can be arrived at by reasoning and weighting up of evidence, could be more accurately answered by a superintelligence than by humans. Obligations             Superintelligence top goal should be friendliness. How exactly friendliness should be understood and how it should be implemented, and how the amity should be apportioned between different people and nonhuman creatures is a matter that merits further consideration.  If the benefits that the superintelligence could give are extremely vast, then it may be less important to negotiate over the detailed distribution pattern and more important to seek to ensure that everybody gets at least some significant share, since on this idea, even a tiny share would be enough to guarantee a very long and very good life. One risk that must be guarded against is that those who develop the superintelligence would not make it generically philanthropic but would instead give it the more limited goal of serving only some small group, such as its own creators or those who commissioned it. Consequences             A superintelligence could give us indefinite lifespan, either by stopping and reversing the aging process through the use of nanomedicine, or by offering us the option to upload ourselves. A superintelligence could also create opportunities for us to vastly increase our own intellectual and emotional capabilities, and it could assist us in creating a highly appealing experiential world in which we could live lives devoted to in joyful game-playing, relating to each other, experiencing, personal growth, and to living closer to our ideals.             However, the risks in developing superintelligence include the risk of failure to give it the supergoal of philanthropy. One way in which this could happen is that the creators of the superintelligence decide to build it so that it serves only this select group of humans, rather than humanity in general.             Once in existence, a superintelligence could help us reduce or eliminate other existential risks, such as the risk that advanced nanotechnology will be used by humans in warfare or terrorism, a serious threat to the long-term survival of intelligent life on earth. If we get to superintelligence first, we may avoid this risk from nanotechnology and many others. If, on the other hand, we get nanotechnology first, we will have to face both the risks from nanotechnology and, if these risks are survived, also the risks from superintelligence. The overall risk seems to be minimized by implementing superintelligence, with great care, as soon as possible. Credit:ivythesis.typepad.com

Ethical Issues on Advanced Artificial Intelligence

Introduction A superintelligence is any intellect that is vastly outperforms the best human brains in practically every fi...

Lockerbie bombings

OBJECTIVES As a person with knowledge of the United Nations Security Council Resolutions regarding the Lockerbie bombings adopted under Chapter VII of the UN Charter, the author has always brought up to his superiors the viability of strategy formation regarding the analysis of these topics and at times fail to understand the reasons or logic behind certain strategic implementations imposed on it. By delving into this project paper, the author intends to have better insights into how the United Nations Security Council Resolutions regarding the Lockerbie bombings adopted under Chapter VII of the UN Charter are thought up, formulated and then imparted down. The author hopes to have an in-depth understanding as to how the United Nations Security Council Resolutions regarding the Lockerbie bombings adopted under Chapter VII of the UN Charter enable the families of the victims to achieve justice in this era of internationalization where justice is extremely hard to get. In order to reinforce the learning objectives, two key focal issues were focused upon, i.e. innovation and diversity. Innovation was discussed with regard to the United Nations Security Council Resolutions regarding the Lockerbie bombings adopted under Chapter VII of the UN Charter where they were renowned for their developmental capabilities to constantly innovate. Diversity came under strategic thinking and formation as the author considered the diverse culture, political climate, economic surroundings, social environment, technological settings, government policies and legal systems in order to better understand the issues being discussed. EXECUTIVE BRIEF This essay utilized the International Court of Justice (ICJ) as the model institution to review its present roles and impacts and how it dealt with critical situations regarding the United Nations Security Council Resolutions in the Lockerbie bombings adopted under Chapter VII of the UN Charter. From the analysis, key trends in the United Nations Security Council Resolutions in the Lockerbie bombings were then identified, how they worked and their effectiveness in dealing with critical situations was ascertained. The paper then moved on to assess the ICJ with regard to its suitability to critical situations, during which the internal capabilities of the ICJ in relation to the strategy being followed by the United Nations Security Council was determined also. An overall analysis of the performance and effectiveness of ICJ was also conducted to assess and compare its capabilities and strategies with those of other judicial institutions. Gaps in the capabilities and roles of the ICJ were then identified. Finally, several choices of strategies to improve the United Nations Security Council Resolutions in the Lockerbie bombings adopted under Chapter VII of the UN Charter as effective means in critical situations was recommended and evaluated in terms of appropriateness to the issues reviewed, feasibility in carrying out the options and acceptability within the key stakeholders and decision makers. Several key implementation issues related to managing strategic change were also addressed as well. INTRODUCTION Important changes in the understanding of the United Nations Security Council Resolutions regarding the Lockerbie bombings adopted under Chapter VII of the UN Charter have been developed in the past 10 to 15 years. Various researchers, practitioners and policymakers now acknowledge that the revisions ICJ can make on these UN resolutions can be conceptualized from a functional perspective and that appropriate interventions involve the development of alternative measures to cope up. Countries today have to be efficient, flexible and profitable. Without these factors, it would be very difficult to compete in the global economy. Aside from participating in strategic alliances to fully enhance the resources they need to become competitive, many countries now evolve and expand through developmental transactions with other countries. It is through the United Nations (UN) that the efficient and effective implementation of the policies and tasks necessary for progress is made possible. The UN focuses on the careful management of the processes involved in the gradual adjustment of the developing country and its workforce. The International Court of Justice (ICJ) is referred to as the judicial component of the United Nations which has achieved a significant importance for its prowess and capability for providing justice, settling disputes and control. Going back in history, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) became existent in 1945 through the Charter of the United Nations. And together with this existence was also the start of the booming number of cases and Security Resolutions handled by ICJ. More often than not, the ICJ really makes an immediate impact on every civilized society. Furthermore, it engages in activities that gradually propels it towards a high level of importance. These activities include crime investigations, gathering of evidences and identification of suspects, leading the way for justice to be served. However, the role that the ICJ plays is not limited to crime prevention and serving justice per se. Activities such as educating the public and other social responsibilities are often related with the ICJ. A great deal of emphasis lies on the efficiency and effectiveness of these roles. Therefore, understanding the ICJ includes the analysis and management of its significant roles. It is interesting to know the basic innate characteristics of the judicial members of the ICJ which contribute towards the development of their effective image. ·         Mental Stability Mental stability is crucial especially in the pursuit of the correct decision regarding the provision of justice to the public as well as the management and development of the processes accompanying it. It is important for the judicial members of the ICJ to remain updated with the latest developments in society to be able to stay aware and knowledgeable in all issues. ·          Performance and Credibility The excellent performance of the roles of the judicial members of the ICJ comes as a result of well executed research management and development activities. The strong performance of its programs and outputs for the safety and security of the society could also be linked to the effective strategic planning and human resource mobilization. Thus, the ICJ’s credibility increases as its performance becomes better. ·         Planning and Strategy Formation Capabilities Planning and strategy formation nowadays has created the need for the judicial members of the ICJ to become aggressive especially in the area of making themselves known to the society. This is because their strong performance in settling disputes and serving justice is critical for their continued existence. ·         Decision-making abilities. Upon arriving at the correct decision or choice, the ICJ now gains confidence in its ability to make critical decisions or choices especially when its integrity and the safety of the public is on the line. Thus, the ICJ will now search for even more challenges and opportunities where it could further enhance its decision-making abilities regarding current safety and security issues. ·         Holistic Mindset of Justice and Security Issues Through the exposure to various puzzling justice and security issues, the ICJ along the process is able to develop a holistic mindset regarding the issues surrounding it. The ICJ now becomes a keen observer of the truths and lies surrounding the justice and security issues being tackled, instead of relying on mere hearsays. The continuous pursuit of the truth behind the puzzling justice and security issues enables the ICJ to consistently practice and enhance a healthy and holistic mindset which makes it difficult for detractors to give influence. Because of this holistic approach, the ICJ is able to effectively select the right choice and continue to maximize this potential for future use. United Nations Security Council Resolutions regarding the Lockerbie bombings adopted under Chapter VII of the UN Charter AUTHOR: United Nations Security Council TITLE: Resolution 731 (1992) SOURCE: United Nations Security Council, January 21, 1992 Determined to eliminate international terrorism, 1. Condemns the destruction of Pan Am flight 103 and UTA flight 772 and the resultant loss of hundreds of lives; 2. Strongly deplores the fact that the Libyan Government has not yet responded effectively to the above requests to cooperate fully in establishing responsibility for the terrorist acts referred to above against Pan Am flight 103 and UTA flight 772; 3. Urges the Libyan Government immediately to provide a full and effective response to those requests so as to contribute to the elimination of international terrorism; 4. Requests the Secretary-General to seek the cooperation of the Libyan Government to provide a full and effective response to those requests; 5. Urges all States individually and collectively to encourage the Libyan Government to respond fully and effectively to those requests; 6. Decides to remain seized of the matter. AUTHOR: United Nations Security Council TITLE: Resolution 748 (1992) SOURCE: United Nations Security Council, January 21, 1992   Acting under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations, 1. Decides that the Libyan Government must now comply without any further delay with paragraph 3 of resolution 731 (1992) regarding the requests contained in documents S/23306, S/23308 and S/23309; 2. Decides also that the Libyan Government must commit itself definitively to cease all forms of terrorist action and all assistance to terrorist groups and that it must promptly, by concrete actions, demonstrate its renunciation of terrorism; 3. Decides that on 15 April 1992 all States shall adopt the measures set out below, which shall apply until the Security Council decides that the Libyan Government has complied with paragraphs 1 and 2 above: 4. Decides that all States shall deny permission to any aircraft to take off from, land in or overfly their territory if it is destined to land in or has taken off from the territory of Libya, unless the particular flight has been approved on grounds of significant humanitarian need by the Committee established by paragraph 9 below;   5. Decides further that all States shall prohibit any provision to Libya by their nationals or from their territory of arms and related material of all types, including the sale or transfer of weapons and ammunition, military vehicles and equipment, paramilitary police equipment and spare parts for the aforementioned, as well as the provision of any types of equipment, supplies and grants of licensing arrangements, for the manufacture or maintenance of the aforementioned; AUTHOR: United Nations Security Council TITLE: Resolution 883 (1993) SOURCE: United Nations Security Council, November 11, 1993   Acting under Chapter VII of the Charter, 1. Demands once again that the Libyan Government comply without any further delay with resolutions 731 (1992) and 748 (1992); 2. Decides, in order to secure compliance by the Libyan Government with the decisions of the Council, to take the following measures, which shall come into force at 00.01 EST on 1 December 1993 unless the Secretary-General has reported to the Council in the terms set out in paragraph 16 below; 3. Decides that all States in which there are funds or other financial resources (including funds derived or generated from property) owned or controlled, directly or indirectly; 4. Further decides that the measures imposed by paragraph 3 above do not apply to funds or other financial resources derived from the sale or supply of any petroleum or petroleum products, including natural gas and natural gas products, or agricultural products or commodities, originating in Libya and exported there from after the time specified in paragraph 2 above, provided that any such funds are paid into separate bank accounts exclusively for these funds; 5. Decides that all States shall prohibit any provision to Libya by their nationals or from their territory of the items listed in the annex to this resolution, as well as the provision of any types of equipment, supplies and grants of licensing arrangements for the manufacture or maintenance of such items. DISCUSSION “Can the ICJ review the United Nations Security Council Resolutions adopted under Chapter VII of the UN Charter?” After the disastrous downfall of Pan Am Flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland in December, 1988, we again are in the midst of another dilemma of facing the legal complications surrounding the extradition and prosecution of alleged international culprits of the bombing. As the world knows, United Nations Security Council actions related to the Lockerbie bombings has resulted into the occurrence of misunderstanding between the Security Council and the International Court of Justice (ICJ). This misunderstanding between the ICJ and the UN Security Council, on the other hand, was a result of Libya’s continued challenging of the legitimacy and interpretation of the articles of the Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts Against the Safety of Civil Aviation, or the Montreal Convention of 1971.   Going back to past events, Libya’s continued protests and challenges were always denied in the Montreal Convention’s legal policy for the punishment of terrorists, as well as for the authority given to the ICJ in to settle differences between member nations regarding the interpretation of the Montreal Convention. The Security Council, as usual, simply made its move in accordance with the Chapter VII of the UN Charter, while on the other hand, Libya filed its cases with the ICJ to settle its differences with the UK and the US. Upon the recommendations of the UK and the US, Resolution 731 was passed in 1992 which limited Libya’s power to challenge these countries because it made the ICJ the supreme authority over the course of the legal proceedings, and any malicious actions by Libya will be sanctioned by the UN Security Council. After that horrible Lockerbie disaster, one of the first actions of the UN was to bring into court for trial in a neutral state the Libyan suspects for the bombing. After the extradition was secured, the UN Security Council passed Resolutions 731, 748, 883 and 1192 in 1998, centralizing its focus on the prosecution of Libya while effectively disregarding the possibility of prosecuting other countries. That could have had an influence or role on the Lockerbie bombing. For our information, there is a significant difference between the legal policies passed by the UN Security Council as measures for countering terrorism and its implementation of legal actions to counter acts of terrorism, such as the Lockerbie bombing. What we can decipher from knowing this difference is the manner in which the UN Security Council collectively decides in cases of terrorism. Because of the UN Security Council Resolutions 731 and 748 as mentioned awhile ago, Libya’s continued challenges regarding the legality of the extradition processes were put out in an instant. Therefore, no ICJ trial was able to get scheduled, even as the UN Security Council passed Resolutions 883 and 1192 which fortified the UN’s contention to permanently disregard Libya’s appeals. Libya’s contention to the ICJ, which was denied in the merits of the Montreal Convention, was the fact that since a bilateral extradition policy was not existent during that time between them and either the UK or US, then the extradition process of the Libyan suspects cannot push through. When the UN Security Council passed Resolutions 731, 748, 883 and 1192, they simply admitted that the Montreal Convention was not comprehensive enough to tackle the extradition process of terrorists. In short, the Montreal Convention simply failed to cover a situation in which a country and its citizens are both accused of a particular terrorist act. Also, the passing of these Resolutions clearly created bias on the part of the UN Security Council because it always acted in favor of the superpower countries United Kingdom and the United States as against the lowly Libya. Therefore, we cannot blame Libya for its seemingly unwillingness to cooperate with the UN nail down the two alleged Libyan suspects of the Lockerbie bombings bound for extradition. Because a bilateral extradition policy between Libya and either the US or the UK was not existent during that time, Libya thought it was wise and logical to depend on the provisions stated under the Montreal Convention regarding extradition as the source of their contentions. Even though up to this point there has yet to be any standard policy or law established to be followed in the event of international terrorism, the Montreal Convention was, and can still be relied today as one of the main source of extradition policies. As stated in Article 7 of the Montreal Convention, in the event that for example, Libya is accused of housing a terrorist suspect, the requested State(s) must either extradite that individual to the requesting State(s), or “[s]ubmit the case to its competent authorities for the purpose of prosecution” in accordance with the appropriate laws of that state. Furthermore, Article 8 of the Montreal Convention provides that “signatory States may consider the Convention itself the legal basis for extradition in the absence of a bilateral extradition treaty between the requesting and the requested states”. Since there were no existing extradition policies between Libya and either the US and the UK at the time when the terrorist act happened, it was only logical that Libya cannot be responsible to induce extradition processes to its own citizens as stated under the Montreal Convention. Aside from the Montreal Convention, there are no more laws that command Libya to extradite its own citizens. As stated in international laws, there is no penalty or sanction that will be given to a country for its inability to induce extradition policies to its own citizens unless otherwise authorized by the UN Security Council against a non-member nation. The ICJ can definitely review the United Nations Security Council Resolutions adopted under Chapter VII of the UN Charter. The ICJ is an official, public forum mandated by the UN Charter to settle various types of misunderstanding, and to serve justice under the law. More often than not, the typical relationship between the United Nations Security Council and the ICJ is reciprocal. Basically, whoever is caught by the UN law enforcement forces doing something not allowed under the law or constitution especially in Libya, will be summoned to appear in ICJ for either arbitration or serving of sentences. A. The ICJ can review the UN Resolutions for Corrections Corrections pertain to the component of the ICJ that is mandated by the UN charter to serve justice through the establishment of correctional institutions in order to rehabilitate or permanently house violators of the constitutional law. Financial penalties may include fines, forfeiture, and restitution. This component is the usually the first and final destination of law offenders found guilty. Once caught by law enforcement authorities, law offenders will temporarily be housed in a prison or a correctional institution until such time when the court is able to give a sentence or favorable resolution to the violation. Law offenders charged under the Lockerbie bombings and other heavy assaults normally are sentenced with lifetime imprisonment, which of course could possibly be lightened through parole or pardon by government authorities. B. Reforms for Justice for the Lockerbie Bombing Victims When in the active pursuit of an effective criminal justice system for the victims of the Lockerbie Bombings, the interaction of the ICJ with the public forms an integral part towards its success. Collaborative learning as a method is gradually being used by ICJ nowadays. Through this approach, the families of the victims of the Lockerbie Bombings can learn from the ICJ through the imitation of their techniques in the socialization processes. In the process, they are able to obtain the chance to see their own ideas in a different aspect and therefore be able to take alternatives into consideration. The relative effectiveness of this approach is determined with the capability of the families’ victims to continuously challenge their pre-acquired knowledge by trying to adapt to the interpretations of the ICJ. Aside from the families of the victims and the ICJ, the different resources for public safety and security being provided by the US government and the United Nations belong to a third category of factors of an environment that is free from risks and hazards. Moreover, law enforcement methods have shown signs of significant growth over the past years. Consequently, obtaining knowledge becomes more complicated. This is because the transformation of all this information into knowledge requires the public to possess the appropriate reference frameworks. But mass media can certainly help the public transform information into valuable knowledge. In lieu of the present developments in public safety and security of societies, the UN has developed significant visions of learning regarding law enforcement. A majority of these learning visions are based on the idea that law enforcement within societies is a social process where knowledge is denied instead of being acquired passively. Law enforcement, then, transforms into an interactive process. The interaction is being verified through the help of the participants in the law enforcement process such as the police force and the societies. In this framework, high quality of law enforcement would mean the continued guidance and support of the active learning process of the societies. Obviously, this would call for an intensive and phased guiding strategy. C. Impact of ICJ Revisions in UN Resolutions The possibility of the occurrence of political and electoral crises within the regions where the UN Resolutions take in effect will not be helpful at all to its strategy to solidify its position in the industry. The recent efforts of the ICJ to review the UN resolutions and educate the public regarding the revised law enforcement policies and regulations would definitely make learning easy for every individual who desires to do so. Also, the growing impact of information and communications technology (ICT) fits in with the larger transformation towards a knowledge-based society that is safe and secured. The UN and ICJ are already adapted to ICT. Nowadays, the UN is more and more using artificial intelligence systems in order to educate people about law enforcement policies and regulations. Law enforcement processes in the society are being influenced by the interaction of two major factors. On the one hand, the instructional factors: the educational philosophy brought about by the ICJ and its conversion into didactical ideas. On the other hand, government factors: the staff, infrastructure and policies related in this area. It is obvious that the UN must possess a sound vision of policies and the efficient use of the available resources in order to effectively perform its role in securing the safety of the society. Nevertheless, the UN needs an interaction between both factors. This is because in order to respond to the new revisions of the UN resolutions, they will eventually transform into a model together with the various aspects of the environment. In return, the ICJ will have to continuously monitor its limitations and along the process introduce innovations. SYNTHESIS Threats to security can be traced to the inefficient and ineffective implementation of the policies and tasks necessary to satisfy the safety and security needs of the citizens of a country or institution. Threats to security also arise on the careless management of the processes involved in the production and distribution of products and services necessary to satisfy the needs of the people. There are six clusters of threats with which the world must be concerned now and in the decades ahead: (a) war between States; (b) violence within States, including civil wars, large-scale human rights abuses and genocide; (c) poverty, infectious disease and environmental degradation; (d) nuclear, radiological, chemical and biological weapons; (e) terrorism; and (f) transnational organized crime. More often than not, the United Nations and its member nations initiate activities to make an impact towards the prevention of these threats. As a matter of fact, member nations engage in activities that various schools of thought typically associate with “making an impact” towards the prevention of these threats. These activities include the formulation of programs and services to thwart these threats as well as respond to these threats. CRITIQUE The world has been able to remain at peace for more than a century now primarily because of the execution of the UN’s safety and security programs, policies and strategies to perfection. Add to the mix the UN’s dedication to high quality of service and the formula for success is at hand. However, I am not totally convinced that the high level panel on threats, challenges UN implements currently would be as effective as before. For one, consolidation and globalization are taking place across the globe, and along with these comes also the increased exposure of humankind to new threats to safety and security. The United Nations, as a leader and driving force in keeping the world a safe and secured place to live in, has implemented various security strategies to fully adapt to the need to go global in terms of preventing and answering threats.  I suggest that the UN should implement a more sober approach towards the implementation of the high level panel on threats, challenges in order to maintain the loyalty of their member nations. There is nothing wrong with building new loyalties with the other non-member nations. But while it is good to gain the trust of non-member nations, it is even better to keep and maintain the older and more established member nations. This way, the implementation of the UN’s high level panel on threats, challenges will remain unscathed amidst the advent of consolidation and globalization. RECOMMENDATIONS There is definitely a need to reconcile both the impacts of the ICJ revisions on the UN resolutions. While Libya and the United States focus on their core competencies following their resource base, they will be put into a disadvantageous position should they choose to neglect both the macro as well as the micro impacts of the changes on the UN resolutions. Therefore, Libya and the US have to be aware of the latest changes brought about by the changes in the UN resolutions, as well as changes in political, economic, legal and even demographic trends in order to develop the outside-in capabilities. Nevertheless, the mentioned strategic option seems the most practical in the wake of the ICJ revisions on the UN resolutions, since there is a sudden shift towards a more integrated and independent world justice system. The key stakeholders too should not have any objections so long as the UN’s core system is not threatened. By virtue of a centralized control of its justice system, it is being expected that major barriers should not exist in carrying out such an option except additional time may be required for the UN and the ICJ to implement its plans.   CONCLUSION The results of the analysis carried out on the United Nations Security Council Resolutions regarding the Lockerbie bombings adopted under Chapter VII of the UN Charter indicated very significant effects, even amidst the threats of unrest. Therefore, we could conclude that the roles and responsibilities of the ICJ could still be expected to improve faster than average. The review of the ICJ’s capabilities and resources revealed very little inconsistencies regarding its strategies towards effective law enforcement in the Lockerbie bombings. This is coherent with its traditional inside-out approach. However, the need to reconcile both the inside-out and outside-in approaches becomes imperative now for the ICJ. The analysis among the capabilities of the ICJ to review the UN Resolutions revealed certain gaps, most of which are biased towards the environment. However, these gaps paved the way towards determining a number of recommended strategic options to secure the competitiveness of the ICJ. Also, the ICJ has to find a balance between adherence to internal forces within the UN justice system and to the changing forces of the environment in order to implement such strategic options.     REFERENCES United Nations Security Council Resolution 731 (1992), January 21, 1992, retrieved January 4, 2006 United Nations Security Council Resolution 748 (1992), January 21, 1992, retrieved January 4, 2006 United Nations Security Council Resolution 883 (1993), November 11, 1993, retrieved January 4, 2006 Credit:ivythesis.typepad.com

Lockerbie bombings

OBJECTIVES As a person with knowledge of the United Nations Security Council Resolutions regarding the Lockerbie bombings adopted under ...